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Gulf region illustration Digital Rights in the Gulf Monitoring surveillance. Defending freedoms. رسم توضيحي لمنطقة الخليج الحقوق الرقمية في الخليج مكافحة التجسس، والدفاع عن الحريات
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Digital Rights 4 Gulf

Tag: Understanding Digital Rights

  • The Gulf’s Smart City Future is Built on Total Surveillance

    The Gulf’s Smart City Future is Built on Total Surveillance

    Across the Gulf, governments are racing to reinvent themselves as hyper-efficient “smart cities”, supported by a growing reliance on digital services, automation, and AI-driven public administration. More recently, the Emirati government declared that it aims to become the world’s first “AI-native” government by 2027, embedding machine learning systems into nearly every layer of governance. But behind this marketing lies an alarming reality: smart-city infrastructure is being repurposed for policing, surveillance, and social control. 

    The UAE provides a clear example of what an AI state looks like in practice. Cameras, biometric systems, and predictive analytics form an ambient surveillance network that residents cannot opt out of. AI systems now support a wide range of public administration functions, including law enforcement, prosecution, and parts of the judicial process. For example, under the UAE’s Oyoon Project, thousands of CCTV cameras across Dubai feed live video to a central command centre where machine-learning algorithms perform continuous facial recognition. This practice has resulted in hundreds of arrests for activities labeled as “suspicious”, but the automated analysis and underlying criteria driving these determinations remain opaque. As noted by Human Rights Watch, the extensive mass surveillance employed through an unregulated AI-driven framework constitutes a serious threat to privacy and freedom of expression.

    The risks are most acute for marginalized communities such as migrant workers, who make up the majority of the UAE population. Predictive policing systems raise the risk that workers may be automatically flagged based on algorithmic profiles. In fact, surveillance technologies are embedded in a social ordering that ties security to race, migration status, and labour, reinforcing structural inequality by rendering certain populations institutionally suspect. For these communities, smart-city infrastructure constitutes a new layer of vulnerability and prosecution. 

    Despite the rapid expansion of AI-enabled policing, the UAE has not implemented any laws regulating the use of AI in criminal proceedings, creating significant due process concerns. Currently, AI systems operate with no independent audit mechanisms and with no procedure to challenge algorithmic errors. Data retention and use remains opaque, lacking any transparency obligations. The result of this legal vacuum is a civic redesign of urban environments, where surveillance becomes normalized and fundamental rights quietly erode.

    The UAE’s smart city policing offers a small-scale preview of the ambitious model taking shape in Saudi Arabia’s NEOM, a smart city megaproject that places dense sensor networks at the core of its infrastructure. A 2025 report reveals that NEOM’s command and control center synthesizes inputs from cameras, sensors and biometric gates to algorithmically map behavior and detect what it labels as anomalies. In light of this, human rights groups warn that NEOM represents a blueprint for full-spectrum monitoring, embedding surveillance into the city and normalizing unprecedented data centralization.

    The UAE’s current practices and Saudi Arabia’s NEOM vision illustrate a regional pattern of smart-city design in which digital services and urban policing converge to form a new Gulf governance model. The shift is therefore not merely a technological one, but a political one as well. Smart-city projects provide states with powerful tools for high-tech authoritarian governance, turning efficiency into enforcement. 

    As the Gulf accelerates toward its smart-city future, an urgent question to consider is whether there are sufficient safeguards and protections over how these technologies reshape the rights and autonomy of populations. DR4G condemns the unregulated expansion of AI-driven surveillance across the Gulf, where smart city technologies are deployed with no transparency or oversight. Additionally, DR4G calls for an immediate rights-based governance of AI systems, which includes clear legal limits on surveillance, independent auditing, and protections for the communities most vulnerable to technological harm. Without enforceable safeguards, the Gulf’s smart cities may become a permanent infrastructure of repression.

  • Biometric Surveillance and Personal Data Protection in the Gulf: A Growing Human Rights Concern

    Biometric Surveillance and Personal Data Protection in the Gulf: A Growing Human Rights Concern

    Over the past decade, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been enacting Personal Data Protection Laws (PDPLs) in order to better regulate the collection and processing of their citizens’ personal information. Even though these laws can be considered as an important step forward in safeguarding privacy in increasingly digitalized societies, they also raise important questions about data protection, state control and human rights. As a matter of fact, the governments in the region have been expanding their use of biometric technologies (i.e. facial recognition, fingerprints scanning) – especially in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) thanks to large investments made in AI development – and this has raised concerns about how  such measures could be leveraged for unauthorized surveillance or even political suppression. Such a concern is legitimate especially after analysing the different PDPLs of every one of these countries. 

    Among the GCC countries, Qatar was the first to issue a Personal Data Protection Law (PDPL) in 2016. However, the country still faces significant shortcomings in implementing this law, especially when it comes to protecting data subjects’ rights, clearly defining sensitive data (such as biometric and genetic data), and outlining the obligations of data processors and controllers toward the data subjects. In fact, the law provides a list of several cases in which the consent of the data subject is not necessary for the processing of personal data. One of these cases being data processing for reasons of  “public interest” – a term that leaves space for broad interpretation. 

    The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), at  first glance, seems to have established a more comprehensive system for data protection under the supervision of the Saudi Arabia for Data and Artificial Intelligence (SDAIA) and its PDPL of 2024 tries to resemble the European General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Despite explicitly recognizing biometric data and imposing strong penalties for violations, the PDPL’s exceptions – similarly to Qatar’s – includes reasons of “public interest or security purposes” in which the data subject’s consent is not a requisite. These provisions, in the hands of a government known for being highly suppressive against political dissent and criticism, effectively legitimize and institutionalize mass data collection under the pretext of “national security”. 

    The United Arab Emirates (UAE) presents a complex framework when it comes to data protection laws.  On one hand, in the PDPL of 2022 biometric data falls under the scope and definition of “Sensitive Personal Data” and it also contains a broad obligation to process personal data in a transparent manner, on the other hand the law remains largely unenforced – the Data Office responsible for its implementation has yet to be established and no penalties are specified in case of violations. Moreover, the coexistence of  parallel data protection frameworks such as the Dubai Data Law No. 26 of 2015 and the Dubai International Financial Centre (DIFC) Data Protection Law of 2020, fragments accountability and creates loopholes that can easily become a tool of power in the hands of the government. The UAE is known for extensive use of biometric surveillance technologies – like the KSA – in public places too. This lack of enforcement can only raise serious concerns about unchecked biometric monitoring and the erosion of privacy.  

    In analysing the other GCC countries, it emerges that Oman’s 2022 PDPL contains relatively progressive provisions, including recognition of biometric data as “sensitive personal data”, explicit consent requirement and restrictions of processing biometric information without the authorization of the ministry. Bahrain, with its Law No. 30 of 2018 (enacted in 2019), goes further in enforcement, with criminal penalties up to one year of imprisonment and large fines for unauthorized processing. It also specifies that the processing  of biometric data, together with genetic data too, needs a written authorization by the competent Authority, otherwise is prohibited. Yet both laws – like those of their neighboring countries – include broad exemptions for “national security” and “public interest”. These vague terms provide legal cover for the very practices the laws claim to regulate. Moreover, it is interesting to notice how Bahrain, in listing the countries that are considered to have adequate protection of personal data for cross-border transfers, includes also Kuwait in which, as of today, there is no specific PDPL in force. This contradiction highlights how data protection in the Gulf often serves more as a legal façade than a genuine commitment to safeguarding individual privacy.

    The uneven implementation and varying strength of GCC data protection frameworks highlight a broader tension between privacy rights and state control. While these laws appear to align with international standards like the GDPR, their exceptions and lack of particular consideration for biometric data often completely negate their protective potential. Without independent oversight bodies and enforceable transparency mechanisms, biometric surveillance risks becoming a political tool. For genuine progress, the region must move beyond formal legislation and ensure that data protection serves its intended purpose: the defense of individual rights and human dignity.

  • The Silencing of Internet Activists in Qatar

    The Silencing of Internet Activists in Qatar

    As in many Gulf countries, the suppression of freedom of expression is a matter of great concern in Qatar. The latter takes place through a series of instruments that the country’s government implements to silence all those who criticise the government and stand up for the human rights of the country’s citizens. These instruments are mostly laws with vague content through which the Qatari government then persecutes its victims with unfounded and not very credible accusations.

    As the most used means of exchanging information nowadays are social media, many activists and political dissidents use these channels in order to advance their battles and raise awareness on certain issues. Systematically, however, the Qatari government silences these people, usually accusing them of sowing hate messages, inciting revolt or insulting the country’s authorities.

    This is what happened to the brothers Hazza and Rashed al-Marri. The two had been arrested in 2021 on charges of publishing critical speeches against the government online. In reality, what they were criticising was the electoral law that discriminated against members of the al-Marri tribe. In 2022, Hazza and Rashed were finally sentenced to life imprisonment after a long period of arbitrary detention.

    Recently, two other online activists suffered the same kind of repression by the authorities. The first activist is Umm Nasser, who, on 20 March 2025, was sentenced by the Criminal Court to three years’ imprisonment. The charge against her was that, through the creation of a media account, Nasser spread false information and hate messages against the Qatari judicial authority. Umm had posted a video on TikTok asking the judicial authorities the reasons behind the arrests of innocent people and accusing them of not respecting human rights. After this, she was arrested and similarly taken to Doha prison. There, according to various testimonies, she is being mistreated and is without proper medical care.

    The other activist who was recently convicted for his online activities is Ahmed Al-Kuwari. The latter, very active on social media, often published videos and posts in which he openly criticised the Qatari government and the Emir’s authority. In January 2024, he was arrested without any charges being brought against him. In April of the same year he was taken to Qatar where he was sentenced to five years in prison in July. After a few months, this sentence was increased to 13. Al-Kuwari is still in prison, sentenced on the basis of an unfair trial and based on completely unfounded charges.

    The Qatari government’s crackdown on internet activists is of great concern and shows how the country uses its judiciary to repress free people. Umm Nasser and Ahmed Al-Kuwari have been accused of carrying out actions that are not reflected in their online activities. What they merely did was to demonstrate the inconsistency of the country’s government and to denounce its terrible repression of free people. No false information, hatred or challenges to government power can be found in their speeches. These crimes are only found in the vague laws that the judiciary interprets in its favour each time.

    As the repression of online activists is becoming more and more constant in Qatar, they have to pay more and more attention to their activities on the net. However, their courage to continue to denounce what is really happening inside the country is admirable. It is therefore crucial that we continue to speak out about those who are silenced by the Qatari government so that their stories become known and the country’s government is held accountable for these unacceptable acts of repression.

  • Why Digital Freedom is a Human Right and What We Can Do to Defend It.

    Why Digital Freedom is a Human Right and What We Can Do to Defend It.

    In an era where digital spaces shape political discourse, social movements, and individual expression, the right to digital freedom is more crucial than ever. Yet, around the world, authoritarian governments are leveraging technology to silence dissent, surveil citizens, and manipulate information. From mass surveillance to online censorship, digital repression has become a powerful tool for state control. This raises an urgent question: If access to information and freedom of expression are fundamental human rights, why is digital freedom not universally recognized as one?

    The Growing Threat to Digital Freedom

    Over the past decade, governments have increasingly weaponized technology to monitor and suppress activists, journalists, and political opponents. The Gulf region offers a critical example of this trend. In Bahrain, human rights activist Ebtisam Al-Saegh was repeatedly targeted with Pegasus spyware; an invasive surveillance tool developed by the Israeli NSO Group. According to Middle East Eye, her phone was hacked at least eight times between August and November 2019, granting authorities access to her private communications and movements (Read more about her experiences here insert link to blog)

    In particular, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have also deployed Pegasus to infiltrate the devices of activists and journalists. One of the most infamous cases was the hacking of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi and his associates before his assassination in 2018. According to The Guardian, forensic investigations confirmed that Saudi operatives used Pegasus to spy on individuals close to Khashoggi, highlighting how digital surveillance can have deadly consequences.

    Beyond spyware, governments also manipulate social media platforms to control narratives. X (formerly Twitter) has faced criticism for working in tandem with Gulf states to suppress dissent. In 2019, two former Twitter employees were convicted of spying for Saudi Arabia, accused of accessing private user data to identify regime critics. This demonstrates the risks posed by corporate complicity in digital repression.

    Why Digital Freedom is a Human Right

    The ability to communicate freely, access information, and express dissent without fear of surveillance or retaliation is fundamental to democratic societies. Digital freedom is an extension of core human rights, including:

    • Freedom of Expression (Article 19, UDHR): This right extends to the digital world, ensuring people can express opinions online without fear of censorship or persecution.
    • Right to Privacy (Article 12, UDHR): Governments and corporations should not have unregulated access to personal data, private messages, or location tracking without consent.
    • Access to Information (Article 19, ICCPR): The internet has become a primary source of knowledge.  The right to privacy has two factors: reactive and proactive. As such, restricting access through censorship, a lack of transparency,  or content manipulation undermines fundamental human rights outlined through these provisions.

    Yet, despite these protections, governments and corporations continue to erode digital rights through surveillance, censorship, and data exploitation.

    What Can Be Done to Defend Digital Freedom?
    1. Demand Accountability from Big Tech: 
      It is critical that tech giants such as Meta, Google, and Apple are held responsible for their role in enabling digital repression. We believe that companies should be required to disclose government surveillance requests, strengthen data protection policies, and resist cooperation with authoritarian regimes. Aside from ourselves, we recommend looking at advocacy groups like Access Now and Electronic Frontier Foundation, who also push for greater transparency and corporate accountability.
    2. Strengthen Legal Protections for Digital Rights:
      A huge priority within the digital right sphere is that Governments must establish stronger legal frameworks to protect digital freedom. The European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation provides a model for safeguarding user privacy, but similar protections need to be implemented globally. The UN has also called for an international treaty on digital rights to prevent state abuse of surveillance technologies. This is a clear next step for upholding accountability. 
    3. Support Encrypted and Open-Source Technologies:
      For activists, encryption tools such as Signal and ProtonMail provide secure communication channels resistant to government surveillance. In addition to this, open-source projects like Tor and Tails OS  may allow activists and journalists to browse the web anonymously, mitigating risks of state tracking. If you are currently in the gulf region and are experiencing these violations, you can also look at Redline for more information.  
    4. Amplify the Voices of Activists:
       When governments attempt to silence activists, international solidarity is critical. Sharing their stories, supporting legal defense funds, and pressuring governments through diplomatic channels can help counter digital repression. There are several organizations like ourselves, such as: Front Line Defenders, Red Line, Article 19 and Committee to Protect Journalists  that work tirelessly to support the fundamental freedoms of those affected by digital authoritarianism. 
    5. Advocate for a Global Ban on Spyware:
      Finally, international legislation has been demanded  as a result of the ongoing  misuse of spyware such as Pegasus. Apple filed a lawsuit against NSO Group in 2021, and the firm was placed on a U.S. federal blacklist for its involvement in permitting violations of human rights. But more has to be done to prevent private businesses from providing authoritarian governments with surveillance equipment.
    Conclusion

    Digital freedom is not just about technology; it is about human rights, democracy, and the ability to express political dissent  without fear. As governments and corporations continue to expand their control over digital spaces, it is up to civil society, lawmakers, and individuals to push back and protect our fundamental rights. ADHRB believes that The internet should be a tool for empowerment, not oppression. Whilst there is not a clear path, we believe that defending fundamental right to digital freedom starts  by lobbying for better safeguards, demanding corporate responsibility, and supporting people on the front lines of digital repression.

  • ByeLaws: A Tool for Resistance or Repression in Digital Authoritarian States?

    ByeLaws: A Tool for Resistance or Repression in Digital Authoritarian States?

    While international law establishes foundational principles to combat digital authoritarianism, it is often the local legal frameworks that shape the realities for individuals living under repressive regimes. Authoritarian governments have become adept at exploiting domestic laws to justify digital surveillance, censorship, and control. However, these same systems hold untapped potential as tools for resistance, enabling activists, lawyers, and civil society to push back.

    The Role of ByeLaws in Enabling Digital Repression

    In many countries, authoritarian regimes have weaponized domestic laws to entrench digital control and silence dissent. Cybercrime laws are frequently enacted with vague and overly broad language, criminalising actions like “spreading false news” or “inciting unrest.” As a consequence, these laws enable governments to target journalists, activists, and even citizens for online activity deemed critical of the regime.

    Surveillance laws, in particular, make matters worse by giving authorities unrestricted authority to monitor digital communications. Many regimes mandate tech companies to create backdoor access to user data, facilitating mass surveillance without judicial oversight. Additionally, emergency powers are often invoked to bypass even these minimal safeguards, leading to widespread internet shutdowns and censorship under the guise of maintaining public order. There have been several documented instances during times of political unrest, governments have frequently imposed internet blackouts, cutting off communication channels and stifling the spread of dissenting voices.

    An example of this is in the Gulf region, where governments have repeatedly restricted internet access during periods of political unrest. For instance, in Bahrain, authorities imposed internet blackouts in 2016 in the town of Duraz, following protests against the revocation of a prominent Shia cleric’s citizenship. Reports show that this black out severely limited the ability of activists and journalists to communicate and report on human rights violations. Similarly, during the 2011–2012 protests in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province, there were reports of internet disruptions aimed at suppressing dissent. The government also imposed a ban on all protests and marches, warning that security forces would prevent any attempts to disrupt public order. These measures showcase the extent to which local laws can be manipulated to suppress freedoms in the digital age.

    Resistance Through Local Legal Mechanisms

    Despite their misuse, local legal systems also provide avenues for resistance against digital repression. Courts in some countries have emerged as champions of digital rights, with judicial rulings striking down unconstitutional internet shutdowns and privacy violations. These decisions not only protect individuals but also set critical precedents for safeguarding freedoms in the digital realm.

    Data protection laws inspired by international frameworks, such as the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), have also been adopted by some nations and a similar model could be adopted in the Gulf regions in order to protect citizens and their private data. These regulations have the ability to act as a shield against government overreach by limiting unauthorized access to personal information and holding offenders accountable.  Furthermore, strategic litigation is another tool increasingly employed by human rights organizations to challenge repressive laws. By bringing cases to court, these groups force governments to publicly justify their actions, shining a light on abuses and galvanizing public support for reforms. A particular development is this discussion occurred in December 2023, when ALQST, a non-governmental organization focusing on human rights in Saudi Arabia, convened a conference to explore collective strategies for seeking accountability for human rights abuses in the region. The conference emphasized the importance of strategic litigation as a tool to challenge oppressive laws and practices. By bringing cases to court, ALQST and similar organizations aim to expose governmental abuses, foster public awareness, and galvanize support for legal and policy reforms

    Technology as a Catalyst for Resistance

    Technology itself plays a crucial role in enabling resistance against digital authoritarianism. Activists and journalists use digital platforms to document and expose violations, creating a record of abuses that can support legal challenges and advocacy efforts. Furthermore, social media platforms and encrypted messaging apps amplify the voices of those fighting against repression, connecting local movements to global audiences. Thus, growing reliance on technology emphasises the significance of safeguarding these instruments against misuse.

    Building a Path Forward

    To counter the misuse of local laws, governments and civil society must collaborate to reform and strengthen domestic legal systems. The first steps to strengthening reform is through clarity of repressive laws that must be amended to remove vague provisions that criminalize dissent, and judicial independence must be bolstered to ensure fair adjudication of digital rights cases. Additionally, Oversight mechanisms must also be established to monitor and limit surveillance powers, ensuring that these tools are not abused. Public participation is equally critical; by involving civil society in the legislative process, governments can create laws that reflect democratic values and protect fundamental freedoms. Such collaboration fosters transparency and accountability, ensuring that local legal frameworks become instruments of empowerment rather than repression.

    To this end, local laws, though often exploited to entrench digital authoritarianism, remain a vital battleground for defending human rights. By leveraging these systems and strengthening legal protections, the international community and local actors alike can help ensure a freer, more democratic digital future.

  • What is the NSO Pegasus Software: A Deeper Look

    What is the NSO Pegasus Software: A Deeper Look

    Globally, digital surveillance has become an indispensable tool for law enforcement and intelligence agencies. A particular software that has sprung onto the radar of activist and human rights campaigners Pegasus, developed by Israel’s NSO Group, exemplifies this trend, representing the cutting edge of spyware technology. Defined by its ability to infiltrate smartphones covertly, Pegasus operates as a form of advanced digital surveillance, collecting vast amounts of personal data, often without user consent.

    Pegasus epitomizes what scholars refer to as “targeted surveillance,” leveraging “zero-click” vulnerabilities, which exploits requiring no user interaction to compromise devices. According to investigations by Citizen Lab and Amnesty International, Pegasus can intercept calls, access encrypted communications, and remotely activate microphones and cameras. These features make it an appealing tool for governments, but its use has raised significant ethical and human rights concerns.

    Once installed, it operates invisibly, capturing sensitive data in real time. Its key capabilities include:

    • Data Harvesting: Access to messages, photos, call logs, and GPS location.
    • Real-Time Monitoring: Remote activation of microphones and cameras.
    • Persistence: Ability to evade detection and delete itself if needed.

    Though the NSO Group asserts its product is intended for lawful use, reports suggest widespread misuse, including surveillance of journalists, activists, and opposition figures. Civil society organizations like Amnesty International highlight how Pegasus has been weaponized against human rights defenders. In particular, surveillance often occurs without transparency or accountability, echoing what researchers describe as “covert authoritarian control.” 

    For instance, the Pegasus Project, a collaborative investigation led by global media outlets, revealed that over 50,000 phone numbers, including those of heads of state, were potential surveillance targets. Such revelations highlight how digital surveillance tools blur the line between security and oppression.

    Pegasus illustrates the normalization of surveillance, even in democratic states. Governments often justify its use under the pretext of national security or combating crime. However, as experts from the Human Rights Watch and Carnegie Endowment argue, this defense falters when surveillance is misused to suppress freedoms. The spyware’s capacity to bypass encryption and evade detection renders privacy protections ineffective, shifting the balance of power decisively toward the state.

    The ethical concerns surrounding Pegasus also expose the broader risks of digital authoritarianism: a gradual erosion of civil liberties under the guise of technological advancement.

    As Pegasus and similar tools grow more prevalent, striking a balance between security and privacy becomes increasingly urgent. Transparency, robust regulation, and accountability are critical to curbing the misuse of spyware. The future of privacy in the digital age depends on global collaboration to uphold human rights and prevent the unchecked proliferation of spyware technologies. Without action, tools designed for protection risk becoming instruments of control.

  • Cyber Surveillance in Bahrain: The New Tool of Repression Against Activists 

    Cyber Surveillance in Bahrain: The New Tool of Repression Against Activists 

    Human Rights Watch and independent security researchers have reported that Bahrain’s government leverages digital technology to monitor and restrict citizens, especially activists, in ways that closely resemble its strict control over public spaces. While no direct evidence shows continuous surveillance, corporate leaks and research reveal that Bahrain has sought intrusive software, largely from Western firms, that could potentially infringe on citizens’ privacy rights. Alongside this investigative journalism, the Human Rights Watch has documented accounts from activists, detailing a pattern of digital surveillance and control aimed at silencing dissent.

    A key tool of concern about Bahrain’s tyranny is the mandate of apps such as; BeAware Bahrain, which integrates tracking features. Initially deployed for contact tracing during the COVID pandemic, this app monitors users in real-time, gathering extensive location and health data, which raises privacy concerns given mandatory ID registration. According to Amnesty International, BeAware Bahrain was even connected to a public TV show that randomly verified quarantine compliance, intensifying government scrutiny. This gave the authorities additional leverage to monitor individuals without their explicit consent, expanding the scope of surveillance beyond health measures into broader political and social control.

    This connection to public television and other surveillance mechanisms signaled a troubling overlap between public health initiatives and authoritarian control. The TV show, which was an unconventional method of verifying compliance, heightened concerns from international advocates about state overreach. It also led to fears among activists and opposition members that their movements could be tracked, potentially leading to arbitrary detentions or reprisals for political dissent.

    Digital authoritarianism in Bahrain goes beyond surveillance and censorship; it extends into the lives of individuals in nearly every aspect. Although there are no direct cases that link the unjust arrests of activists to these softwares, activists are increasingly aware that any internet comment, tweet, or post might be  heavily scrutinized and used against them. The psychological toll on activists is immense. The knowledge that every digital move could be tracked leads to a pervasive sense of insecurity. In interviews with The Guardian, activists have explained how their awareness of being surveilled has stifled their ability to organize protests, advocate for reforms, or even criticize the government openly online. This creates a vacuum that both inhibits the capacity to mobilize for change as well as political discourse. According to The Human Rights Watch, citizens are less inclined to plan rallies, push for reform, or call attention to injustices if they are scared to voice their grievances both online and offline. However, for those who dare to challenge the regime, the consequences are often severe and are often  detained, interrogated, and even tortured in custody. And for many activists, this risk has become too high, allowing the government to continue to violate human rights, whilst avoiding accountability.

  • What is Digital Authoritarianism: An Overview. 

    What is Digital Authoritarianism: An Overview. 

    In the last twenty years, authoritarianism has progressively increased.At the same time, there has been swift advancement and extensive dissemination of digital technology. Numerous scholars have linked these trends, and suggest that the emergence of digital technologies acted as a catalyst for authoritarianism. Experts commonly denote this phenomenon as digital authoritarianism.

    To put it simply, digital authoritarianism is when authoritarian governments use cutting-edge technologies, such as artificial intelligence , surveillance systems, and data monitoring tools, to stifle dissent, govern political opposition, and restrict fundamental human rights, notably the freedoms of expression and privacy. In this light, technology becomes an instrument of state power, permitting new levels of surveillance and control over citizens’ digital activities. According to a report by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Governments utilizing digital authoritarianism leverage capabilities such as:  facial recognition, internet filtering, and data mining to follow, monitor, and manipulate public behavior, typically under the pretense of national security or public order.  To further illustrate the global scope of this issue, a second report written by the same think-tank also finds that 75 out of 176 countries are employing AI-powered surveillance tools, revealing the widespread adoption of such practices.

    This phenomena goes beyond traditional means of authoritarian control, as technology allows for the continuous and real-time surveillance of entire populations, with the potential to locate and isolate people or groups who resist or criticize the regime. Although the full extent of this is rarely documented and often unknown by the general public, studies by the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg suggest that 44% of the world’s population lives in countries where online freedom of expression is actively suppressed. In this climate, governments blatantly strip citizens of their autonomy and their basic human rights. In countries where digital authoritarianism is prevalent, individuals may face severe consequences for engaging in online activities deemed subversive, such as accessing forbidden content, participating in protests, or simply expressing dissenting opinions.  

     As authoritarian regimes continue to adopt more sophisticated technologies, the global community must confront the growing dangers posed by digital repression. Ensuring the protection of digital rights, such as freedom of speech, privacy, and access to information, is essential to safeguarding human dignity and maintaining the possibility of political resistance in the digital age. This extends beyond singular communities and minorities but also the future of democracy itself.